President Donald Trump arrived at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson last Friday with a clear goal: extract a ceasefire agreement from Vladimir Putin. Meanwhile, the Russian president came to Alaska not to end his war against Ukraine but to avoid expanded economic sanctions. Although only one side got what it initially wanted, what happens in the coming days will be more consequential.

“We’ve made some headway,” Trump told the press after talks ended early. Contradicting Putin’s earlier assertion that they had reached an agreement, Trump added that “there’s no deal until there’s a deal.” The two did not take questions. In an interview with Fox News, Trump declined to disclose the biggest sticking point, which nevertheless seems to have been his desire for a ceasefire. Yet the president is plowing ahead.

“It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Ceasefire Agreement, which often times do not hold up,” Trump posted Saturday morning on Truth Social. That followed a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who will fly to Washington for a visit with Trump in the Oval Office on Monday.

Trump and Zelensky are open to trilateral meeting after that. Is Putin?

The key for Zelensky in the coming days is to ensure that Moscow, not Kyiv, is rightly blamed for any lack of progress. That means maintaining an openness to negotiations and not being baited into public debating, like in their last Oval Office meeting. Despite the summit’s inconclusive end, Trump and Zelensky reportedly discussed security guarantees that ought to be appealing to the vulnerable nation.

Indeed, the core Ukrainian goal remains to survive the current onslaught while ensuring Ukrainian sovereignty for the long haul. Praising Trump’s acumen and showing an openness to dealing with Putin is a morally unsatisfying but necessary approach for Zelensky — especially if he can win promises to deter a future invasion once hostilities end.

For weeks, Trump had threatened secondary sanctions that would prevent countries such as India and China from buying fossil fuels from Putin’s regime. Such sanctions crippled Iran’s already fragile economy during Trump’s first term and would have a material effect on the Russian war machine. Oil and gas revenue account for around a third of the country’s federal budget, which is increasingly strained.

Our preference is to impose sanctions now. We understand the worry that this would blow up negotiations, but the bigger risk is that Putin believes he can string along talks to avoid punishment, as Iran did during Joe Biden’s presidency. Putin is driven by the logic of power and force, not diplomatic niceties. If the White House really believes a deal is close, the least the administration can do is outline exactly what penalties Putin should expect if he does not sit for a trilateral meeting — and what will come if that meeting does not produce tangible results. This would place the onus on Putin to take negotiations seriously while making it easier to swiftly impose them if talks fall apart.

Criticism of Trump for meeting with Putin doesn’t quite land. Like it or not, the Russian strongman is firmly in power and remains the driving force behind the war. Trump’s praise of hostile leaders is too often over-the-top, but this summit doesn’t permanently bring Putin into the civilized world. Recall that Trump met Kim Jong Un three times; the North Korean dictator got some propaganda photos, but he remains isolated. The real danger now is not that Putin gets a small public-relations victory but that he continues his war without further consequences.

Despite his unorthodox approach, Trump demonstrated a clear-eyed understanding of American interests when dealing with Iran and North Korea. In the end, he was willing to increase pressure and walk away from bad deals. The time for that might not have come yet, but it is fast approaching.

— Washington Post